MAPping the Future

1. The Crisis We Find Ourselves In

 

The Philippines is experiencing a systemic national crisis. The very leaders entrusted by the people to protect the common good stand accused of abusing that trust so blatantly that public outrage is now widespread. Confidence in national leadership—beginning with, but not limited to, the President and the Vice President—has eroded to dangerous lows.

 

Filipinos are demanding radical change, not cosmetic adjustments. Yet this desire for change must operate within the Constitution and without bloodshed. Leaders in business, civil society, and the Church struggle to form a common position that is both moral and lawful.

 

Despite the present turmoil, what the nation must aim for is clear: good governance. National leaders must articulate a coherent vision for the next three years and direct all government agencies and local governments to pursue strategic priorities that deliver measurable outcomes. The machinery exists: NGAs and LGUs already know how to craft scorecards, implement initiatives, and report performance. Past experience in various agencies and cities shows that a disciplined governance process works, provided leaders are committed, strategic, and accountable.

 

But herein lies the heart of the problem: we have national officials who cannot credibly lead such a process. The crisis is not merely financial or administrative—it is moral. A “band of thieves,” as many now call them, holds the levers of government, allegedly diverting public resources for private gain.

 

Thus, the fundamental question: How do we move forward within the Constitution, given the leaders we currently have?

 

1. Stuck With Two Unpalatable Choices

 

Many believe there can be no real progress under the current President and Vice President.

 

The President is widely perceived as compromised—his own family embroiled in scandals, and his Independent Commission of Infrastructure (ICI) discredited by the resignation of respected members. The Vice President, impeached by the House and criticized for her performance as Education Secretary, inspires little confidence as a successor. The idea of her assuming the presidency does not reassure the nation.

Yet for both to resign or be removed simultaneously is politically unlikely.

 

Extra-constitutional shortcuts—military intervention, people-power uprisings, or violent mobilization—are neither viable nor responsible. The Armed Forces have institutionalized governance reforms and will not entertain adventurism. Rallies by civil society and the Church may influence public sentiment but have not coalesced into a call for regime change.

 

Meanwhile, the economy is weakening sharply: sub-5% growth forecasts, a steep stock market decline, investor flight, and a peso nearing ₱60 per dollar. Confidence is collapsing.

 

The Church has urged prayer for justice and good governance. But prayer, while powerful, must accompany action rooted in law. No savior is waiting in the wings; instead, the nation must find its own constitutional path through this storm.

 

III. What Good Governance Reminds Us Of

 

Good governance teaches that crises create opportunities. This painful moment may finally force the country to confront the broken system it has allowed to persist.

 

One opportunity is to revisit the 1987 Constitution—not to undermine democracy but to ask soberly: What has worked? What has failed? What must change? Scholars, reform advocates, and civic organizations can lead a structured effort to identify necessary amendments and build consensus.

 

The challenge, however, is leadership. A President who has lost moral authority still possesses legal authority under the Constitution. Reconciling these realities will require wisdom, pressure from institutions, and—perhaps—divine intervention.

Could the President be persuaded to empower a credible Cabinet, coordinated by a respected non-partisan Executive Secretary? Could Congress be encouraged to refine constitutional provisions that hinder political stability, economic freedom, and accountability? Could stakeholders—business, NGOs, churches, academe—unite to embed maka-Diyos, maka-Tao, maka-Kalikasan, maka-Bansa values across society?

 

The next three years provide a narrow but vital window to strengthen institutions, cleanse corrupt systems, professionalize public service, prepare for climate risks, and build long-term development platforms.

 

This will require commitment, discipline, and constant vigilance. The alternative—missteps, paralysis, or violent upheaval—could plunge the nation deeper into crisis, especially with foreign interests eager to exploit internal conflict.

 

1. A Bugle Call for National Transformation

 

The crisis exposes a three-headed hydra:

1. Lack of civic responsibility,
2. Entrenched corruption, and
3. Persistent poverty.

 

These problems reinforce each other. Passing new laws alone will not solve them; symbolic gestures, headline-grabbing initiatives, and superficial “anti-corruption” commissions merely distract a weary public.

 

What the times demand is deep, radical, systemic transformation—not violent revolution, but the disciplined rebuilding of institutions, culture, and governance. The nation must strike at the root causes and pursue a long-term roadmap for transformation that cuts off every head of the hydra.

 

This must all occur within constitutional boundaries, for anything outside them would lead to chaos.

 

The Philippines must pray for wisdom—and act with resolve. Ultimately, the Filipino people belong to God, and the nation must seek His guidance as it attempts to transform itself while upholding justice, unity, and the rule of law.

 

Five Concrete, Constitution-Compliant Actions to Address the Crisis

 

1. Form a Broad “National Governance Council” (NGC) within Civil Society

 

A non-partisan coalition composed of business groups, universities, professional associations, churches, and NGOs can craft a national governance agenda, monitor government performance, and mobilize public pressure—all within constitutional space.

 

Use this NGC to update and complete the Dream Philippines 2046, a proposed country Roadmap crafted in 2022.

 

This gives reform a structured voice without provoking instability.

 

2. Launch a Constitutionally Grounded Reform Roadmap for the Next 3 Years

 

Civil society, academe, and legal experts should draft a shortlist of practical constitutional amendments (e.g., political party reform, economic provisions, accountability mechanisms) and formally submit them to Congress.

 

This channels public desire for change into a legal, institutional process.

 

3. Demand Immediate Governance Reforms Within the Executive—Without Forcing Resignations

Through organized advocacy, institutions can pressure the President to:

• Appoint a credible, non-partisan Executive Secretary,
• Empower a reform-oriented Cabinet cluster, and
• Implement performance scorecards for all agencies.

 

This improves governance without triggering constitutional crises.

 

4. Mobilize a “Civic Responsibility Movement” Nationwide

 

A coordinated public campaign—schools, churches, barangays, businesses—focused on maka-Diyos, maka-Tao, maka-Kalikasan, maka-Bansa, anti-corruption values, and civic duties.

 

Culture change begins with citizens, not politicians.

 

5. Build Institutional Transformation Platforms Across NGAs and LGUs

 

Support agencies and local governments in adopting governance scorecards, transparency portals, integrity programs, and climate-resilience initiatives—many already tested in Philippine settings.

 

This strengthens the State even if national political leadership is weak.

 

(The author is the “MAP Management Person of the Year 2009”, Chair of Center for Excellence in Governance, Founder and Chair Emeritus of Institute of Corporate Directors (ICD) and Institute for Solidarity in Asia (ISA).  Feedback at <map@map.org.ph> and <jestanislao@icd.ph>).